Groups fighting on behalf of Iran in Syria and Iraq
A banner on the front door of a school reads: "We, the people of Firuzabad, are not happy with the registration of Afghan students"
Afghan girls hold a banner that reads:" We also have the right to education"
A group of Afghan refugees
Friday 21 August 2015
Nargess Tavassolian
New Law will Boost Iran’s Proxy Wars
A group
of Iranian MPs have taken steps to clear the way for foreign nationals
to be awarded citizenship in exchange for taking up arms for Iran.
Proposed amendments to Iran’s Civil Code referring to naturalization, called “Facilitating Naturalization of non-Iranian Veterans, Warriors and Elites,” will offer citizenship to foreigners who join Iranian military units, whether it be border patrol, advances on Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, public order operations, or any of Iran’s less “official” military initiatives, including support for Hezbollah. Under the amendments, “revolutionary heroes” will be able to become citizens without having to go through existing naturalization requirements, or even having to obtain the approval of the Council of Ministers, the body traditionally responsible for these matters.
Parliamentarians who signed the bill say people who “serve the revolution,” including people who have contributed to Iran’s scientific progress, will be entitled easier access to the citizenship they deserve. But human rights activists and lawyers say the amendments are part of a political and militaristic strategy to entice immigrants, including Afghans who have resided illegally in the country since 1979, into fighting Iran’s proxy wars.
If passed, the amendment to Article 980 will allow a new working group — the Committee for Granting Naturalization to non-Iranian Veterans, Warriors and Elites — to decide whether a non-Iranian “revolutionary” will be granted Iranian citizenship. The MPs who tabled the bill on January 12 include conservative parliamentarians Ruhollah Hosseinian, Jabar Koochaki Nejad, Abdullah Sameri, Alireza Salimi and Nader Ghazipour. They are currently waiting for the new addition to be reviewed in parliament.
So who is affected by the changes to this law, and what is it really trying to achieve?
The establishment of the new committee is controversial. If the amendment to the existing naturalization law passes through parliament the new committee, with its new powers, will be made up of representatives from various Iranian authorities, including the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution (Sepah), police forces, the Foundation of Islamic Revolution Martyrs and Veterans Affairs, several ministries, including Intelligence; Science, Research and Technology; Health and Medical Education; and Foreign Affairs, as well as the representatives from the office of the country’s public prosecutor, Seyyed Ebrahim Raisi. A representative from the Islamic Consultative Assembly will also serve as an observer member on the committee.
The Afghan Experience
“After the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan [in 1979], the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran opened its doors to Afghans, arguing that Islam does not recognize any borders,” says Shirin Ebadi, human rights lawyer and Nobel Peace laureate for 2003. “At that time, around four million Afghans came to Iran, but only around 10 percent of them managed to obtain residency permits. The rest had to stay illegally. Those who did not obtain their residency permits had to accept wages below the minimum wage to make ends meet, while they were denied various rights, including the right to have a proof of identity. At that time, Iran had begun an eight-year-war with Iraq and was naturally in need of inexpensive labor. Iran took advantage of illegal Afghan workers to satisfy this need.”
But when the war ended, says Ebadi, the policy stayed in place. Some Afghans were forced to leave the country. Those who managed to stay were again deprived of their basic rights. “They could not even deposit their money into the bank or register their marriages and get identity cards for their children,” she says.
Then came the Arab Spring, and the Iranian government had to respond, hoping to shore up stability in the region that would protect its own political aims — especially when it came to Iraq and Syria. But, it was important, Ebadi says, for Iran not to be seen to be intervening. “Since the Iranian government did not want to be publicly accused of military intervention in the region, and also [associated] with the rise in the number of casualties, it decided to use Afghans, who were residing illegally in Iran, in its proxy wars. To encourage them to fight, it offered them residency permits. Some were injured or murdered.” As further encouragement, she says, “MPs introduced a new bill that would grant naturalization to non-Iranians who fought in these proxy wars on behalf of Iran.”
Under the current law, individuals “who have rendered services or notable assistance to public interests in Iran” are able to apply for citizenship. Nationality is also available to “those who have Iranian wives by whom they have children, or who have attained high intellectual distinctions, or who have specialized in affairs of public interest.” All of these types of applicants do not need residency before applying – but they do still need the approval of the Council of Ministers. And now, under the new proposals, not only will “veterans, warriors and elites” not need residency, but they will also no longer have to wait for the Council of Ministers to approve their naturalization.
What "Elites"?
Ebadi says that the inclusion of the term (and group) “elites” in the proposed bill is actually an attempt to conceal the real objective of the law, and the agenda of those who drafted it. The legislators involved, she says, “have argued that if elites want to travel to Iran and want to acquire naturalization, a committee would decide upon their qualification.” But it is obvious, she says, when looking at the people the committee will be comprised of, that any such applications are unlikely to be successful, especially given that “the majority of its members are not representatives of Iran’s scientific community and hence are not qualified to decide on such matter.”
Iran has one of the highest numbers of “brain drain” in the world, says Ebadi. Many members of the so-called elite have found the scientific and political environment in Iran to be so impoverished that they have chosen to leave the country. Given this situation, she says, to which “elites” is the new law referring? “We can conclude that the addition of the term ‘scientific elites’ to the term ‘warriors’ and ‘veterans’ conceals the real intention.” For Ebadi, the real objective of the draft law is to provide more forces for Iran’s proxy wars. “It is really a pity that some people who bear the title of representative sit in parliament and, instead of thinking about Iran’s national interest and reputation, are more interested in enabling war in the region.”
Legal expert Mousa Barzin Khalifeloo agrees that if approved, the bill could have negative consequences for Iran. Arguing that each country has its own sets of rules for granting citizenship to foreigners, he says, “Many countries considering their overall policy and taking into consideration their economic, scientific, political or social interests, set their immigration and citizenship rules [accordingly]. Some countries, in order to bring capital to their countries, facilitate naturalization for businessmen and women. Some countries, in order to bring in expertise, give certain advantages to foreign scientists and elites,” he says. But it is obvious by looking at this draft naturalization law that the Iranian government wants to “give privileges to non-Iranians who cooperate on military or intelligence issues with the Iranian government.” Barzin says this plan becomes even more obvious when one considers “the high number of non-Iranians who have cooperated with the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution (Sepah).”
Barzin says that the changes outlined in the draft reforms for legislation on “Facilitating Naturalization of non-Iranian Veterans, Warriors and Elites” will do nothing to change the fact that government measures have badly affected Iran’s scientific community, while at the same time creating “a safe haven for non-Iranians dependent on the government.” As Ebadi suggests, the law will work against some of the most vulnerable people in Iran, putting many of them straight into the line of fire. And, at the same time, other policies continue to drive those with skills, expertise and innovation out of the country to seek a promising future, despite the fact that Iran needs them.
http://en.iranwire.com/features/6721/
Proposed amendments to Iran’s Civil Code referring to naturalization, called “Facilitating Naturalization of non-Iranian Veterans, Warriors and Elites,” will offer citizenship to foreigners who join Iranian military units, whether it be border patrol, advances on Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, public order operations, or any of Iran’s less “official” military initiatives, including support for Hezbollah. Under the amendments, “revolutionary heroes” will be able to become citizens without having to go through existing naturalization requirements, or even having to obtain the approval of the Council of Ministers, the body traditionally responsible for these matters.
Parliamentarians who signed the bill say people who “serve the revolution,” including people who have contributed to Iran’s scientific progress, will be entitled easier access to the citizenship they deserve. But human rights activists and lawyers say the amendments are part of a political and militaristic strategy to entice immigrants, including Afghans who have resided illegally in the country since 1979, into fighting Iran’s proxy wars.
If passed, the amendment to Article 980 will allow a new working group — the Committee for Granting Naturalization to non-Iranian Veterans, Warriors and Elites — to decide whether a non-Iranian “revolutionary” will be granted Iranian citizenship. The MPs who tabled the bill on January 12 include conservative parliamentarians Ruhollah Hosseinian, Jabar Koochaki Nejad, Abdullah Sameri, Alireza Salimi and Nader Ghazipour. They are currently waiting for the new addition to be reviewed in parliament.
So who is affected by the changes to this law, and what is it really trying to achieve?
The establishment of the new committee is controversial. If the amendment to the existing naturalization law passes through parliament the new committee, with its new powers, will be made up of representatives from various Iranian authorities, including the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution (Sepah), police forces, the Foundation of Islamic Revolution Martyrs and Veterans Affairs, several ministries, including Intelligence; Science, Research and Technology; Health and Medical Education; and Foreign Affairs, as well as the representatives from the office of the country’s public prosecutor, Seyyed Ebrahim Raisi. A representative from the Islamic Consultative Assembly will also serve as an observer member on the committee.
The Afghan Experience
“After the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan [in 1979], the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran opened its doors to Afghans, arguing that Islam does not recognize any borders,” says Shirin Ebadi, human rights lawyer and Nobel Peace laureate for 2003. “At that time, around four million Afghans came to Iran, but only around 10 percent of them managed to obtain residency permits. The rest had to stay illegally. Those who did not obtain their residency permits had to accept wages below the minimum wage to make ends meet, while they were denied various rights, including the right to have a proof of identity. At that time, Iran had begun an eight-year-war with Iraq and was naturally in need of inexpensive labor. Iran took advantage of illegal Afghan workers to satisfy this need.”
But when the war ended, says Ebadi, the policy stayed in place. Some Afghans were forced to leave the country. Those who managed to stay were again deprived of their basic rights. “They could not even deposit their money into the bank or register their marriages and get identity cards for their children,” she says.
Then came the Arab Spring, and the Iranian government had to respond, hoping to shore up stability in the region that would protect its own political aims — especially when it came to Iraq and Syria. But, it was important, Ebadi says, for Iran not to be seen to be intervening. “Since the Iranian government did not want to be publicly accused of military intervention in the region, and also [associated] with the rise in the number of casualties, it decided to use Afghans, who were residing illegally in Iran, in its proxy wars. To encourage them to fight, it offered them residency permits. Some were injured or murdered.” As further encouragement, she says, “MPs introduced a new bill that would grant naturalization to non-Iranians who fought in these proxy wars on behalf of Iran.”
Under the current law, individuals “who have rendered services or notable assistance to public interests in Iran” are able to apply for citizenship. Nationality is also available to “those who have Iranian wives by whom they have children, or who have attained high intellectual distinctions, or who have specialized in affairs of public interest.” All of these types of applicants do not need residency before applying – but they do still need the approval of the Council of Ministers. And now, under the new proposals, not only will “veterans, warriors and elites” not need residency, but they will also no longer have to wait for the Council of Ministers to approve their naturalization.
What "Elites"?
Ebadi says that the inclusion of the term (and group) “elites” in the proposed bill is actually an attempt to conceal the real objective of the law, and the agenda of those who drafted it. The legislators involved, she says, “have argued that if elites want to travel to Iran and want to acquire naturalization, a committee would decide upon their qualification.” But it is obvious, she says, when looking at the people the committee will be comprised of, that any such applications are unlikely to be successful, especially given that “the majority of its members are not representatives of Iran’s scientific community and hence are not qualified to decide on such matter.”
Iran has one of the highest numbers of “brain drain” in the world, says Ebadi. Many members of the so-called elite have found the scientific and political environment in Iran to be so impoverished that they have chosen to leave the country. Given this situation, she says, to which “elites” is the new law referring? “We can conclude that the addition of the term ‘scientific elites’ to the term ‘warriors’ and ‘veterans’ conceals the real intention.” For Ebadi, the real objective of the draft law is to provide more forces for Iran’s proxy wars. “It is really a pity that some people who bear the title of representative sit in parliament and, instead of thinking about Iran’s national interest and reputation, are more interested in enabling war in the region.”
Legal expert Mousa Barzin Khalifeloo agrees that if approved, the bill could have negative consequences for Iran. Arguing that each country has its own sets of rules for granting citizenship to foreigners, he says, “Many countries considering their overall policy and taking into consideration their economic, scientific, political or social interests, set their immigration and citizenship rules [accordingly]. Some countries, in order to bring capital to their countries, facilitate naturalization for businessmen and women. Some countries, in order to bring in expertise, give certain advantages to foreign scientists and elites,” he says. But it is obvious by looking at this draft naturalization law that the Iranian government wants to “give privileges to non-Iranians who cooperate on military or intelligence issues with the Iranian government.” Barzin says this plan becomes even more obvious when one considers “the high number of non-Iranians who have cooperated with the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution (Sepah).”
Barzin says that the changes outlined in the draft reforms for legislation on “Facilitating Naturalization of non-Iranian Veterans, Warriors and Elites” will do nothing to change the fact that government measures have badly affected Iran’s scientific community, while at the same time creating “a safe haven for non-Iranians dependent on the government.” As Ebadi suggests, the law will work against some of the most vulnerable people in Iran, putting many of them straight into the line of fire. And, at the same time, other policies continue to drive those with skills, expertise and innovation out of the country to seek a promising future, despite the fact that Iran needs them.
http://en.iranwire.com/features/6721/
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